Ethnicity and Democracy: A Study of Nigeria’s Ethnic Conflicts

 

Rationale and Contribution

 Description of Topic

The colonial legacy of patently artificial borders drawn for the convenience of European conference tables bequeathed to many newly independent African nations a motley mix of people, each with their own separate ethnic loyalties and traditions. Nigeria's population well illustrates the diverse ethnicity encompassed within sub-Saharan nations that followed in the wake of Ghana's independence in 1957. Nigeria has a multitude of distinct ethnic and linguistic groups. The ethnic contentions among the largest of those groups--the Yoruba, Ibo, and Hausa-Fulani--have littered the pages of the new nation's history. (Coleman, 1958)

When Nigeria achieved independence from Great Britain in October 1960, like most other countries decolonized in Africa, it was a nation in name only. It existed as a political and legal entity, not as an effective and emotive identity. It was not a nation in the sense of community and common character. It was a state encompassing many ethnic nations, each claiming their own separate heritage, language, and culture. (Diamond, 1967)

At independence, Nigeria's peoples for the most part had not yet come to think of themselves as Nigerians. Ethnic loyalty took precedence over national identity. The nation's people identified themselves primarily as Hausa-Fulani, Ibo, or Yoruba, for example. Their identity as Nigerians lay in the shadow of their tribal and parochial allegiances. (Onwibu, 1975) Historical hostilities and rivalries among many of the peoples agglomerated within Nigeria accounted for some of the conflicted sense of common national identity. The colonial legacy contributed significantly, however, to furthering the collision of loyalties in the new nation. (Smith, 1986)

The colonial structure maintained ethnic isolation and reinforced it with regionalism--a situation inherited by the independent nation. With the larger ethnic groups dominating the separate political regions, the colonial experience provided little basis for fusing ethnic groups in any common sense of nationalism. (Cohen and Middleton, 1970) It certainly fostered no history or tradition of national community. (Horowitz, 1985) Independent Nigeria emerged as a new political entity without a common history or common tradition. It had to build itself as a nation, while at the same time developing its powers as a state. The background of its federal form dimmed the prospects of both tasks. (Huntington, 1968) At this point one can easily appreciate what the scenario looks like at the early pre-colonial period. During the course of this period most of the groups and peoples who settled the areas of the Western Sudan in question had constructed, entrenched, and transformed their own respective states based on different systems of political administration. For instance, the Yoruba, Edo-Bini, Nupe, the Tiv, the Idoma, the Igala, the Ebira, the Birom, the Kanuri, the various Hausa City States of Kano, Zamfara, Katsina, Rano, Gobir, and their likes are known to have established monarchical systems of political administration which were neither despotic nor authoritarian. Also, in the Southeastern portion of this zone of the West African region, there are the Igbo, the Ibibi, the Ijo, the Ogoja, and many others, all of who are known to have established republican-type states that were quite democratic (Green 1947; Afigbo 1972). There are about 374 such groups, each of which has a distinct language, (Nnoli 1995) culture and political administration. Western scholars refuse to acknowledge the pre-colonial political entities which some of these peoples constructed as states. The unspoken argument is that the scale and intensity of state building in Africa and elsewhere, which differed from what obtained in Europe, could not result in statehood. Isichie (1973) did a good job outlining what she describes as the patterns of internal migrations and state formation among the Igho people who inhabit the Southeastern portion of what became Nigeria for instance. Isichie's account reveals parallels of what European scholars on states have established about some early European states. The early pre-colonial period promotes a couple of crucial issues about the 374 groups who inhabit the areas that became Nigeria. First, all the groups are territorialized -- each group lays very strong claims to particular lands or area that it inhabits as its own. Secondly, colonialism did not alter their respective claim to their respective lands in any way. In the absence of clear political arrangements, together, these factors constitute clear historical recipe for conflict in the context of a multinational state experiment in such multi-ethnic entities as were created in Africa by European colonialism.

 

Background of Topic

Several explanations have been advanced to account for Nigeria's political instability. There is the claim that the British failed to prepare Nigeria sufficiently for democracy (Mackintosh 1966). The absence of the necessary economic base to cater for the populace, as well as the absence of a significant number of influential middle class individuals who could constitute a moderating force in national politics have both been adduced (Ipuk 1995; Akintunde 1967) as yet another explanation. Some analysts locate the explanations in the ethnic competition that resulted from socioeconomic and political modernization (Melson and Wolpe 1971; Young 1976). There are other analysts who put the blame on a flawed federal structure (Kirk-Green 1971), a contradicted constitutional arrangement that was incapable of withstanding political strain (Whitaker 1981) or an imbalance in education and economic development (Sklar 1981). Richard Sklar (1981) attributes the problem to "tribalism and regionalism as well as the process of class formation" (Diamond 1988: 16). Other analysts who base their own explanations on class like Sklar claim that the problem is a manifestation of the contradictions which stem from both colonial and neocolonial capitalism (Falola and Ihonvbere 1985; Badru 1998). Larry Diamond (1988: 17) traces the problem to a combination of factors that include ethnicity, class formation, an expanding state and electoral democracy that requires mass political mobilization of people.

In each of the cases above, political instability is seen only in terms of the lack of a stable central government during the post independence period. But a cursory look at the Nigerian situation will indicate that to do so does not present the complete picture of political instability in Nigeria. If we take the fact that most of the groups that make up Nigeria especially in the South, hardly accorded legitimacy to the colonial state into account, it will not be misplaced to argue that Nigeria's political instability predates its political independence from Britain in 1960. This assertion is underscored by the fact that in the light of its inability to entrench and transform itself, through and through, the Nigerian colonial state simply sustained itself by way of brute military force and police coercion. Thus, the works cited above do not provide adequate explanations for understanding political instability in Nigeria for three principal reasons. First, some of them do not recognize the need to make the state central in their attempt to explain political behavior and development in Nigeria (Skocpol 1996). Secondly, those of them that do are hamstrung by the fact that they succumbed to the temptation of treating the Nigerian colonial state and its post-colonial mutant as the equals of the modem European State. Thirdly, they all comprehend the artificial entity called Nigeria as a given. By so doing, they all tend to either ignore, or wish away the various age-old ethno-national groups, which were forcefully cobbled together into it or adjudge their existence as a curse.

Nigeria's most daunting challenge lies in overcoming the severe divisions among its competing religious and ethnic groups. In January 2002, clashes between the Hausa and Yoruba ethnic groups killed over 300 civilians in the chaotic aftermath of a deadly explosion at the Ikeja military barracks in Lagos. In recent months the Tiv and the Jukun tribal groups of central Nigeria have engaged in genocidal tribal raids. Since the restoration of civilian rule in May 1999, a total of over 10,000 Nigerians have died in civil strife. These ethnic flare-ups revolving around the Tiv tribal group further highlight the flaws in Nigeria's government. On October 22, 2001, Nigerian soldiers drove into villages in the central Nigerian state of Benue, looting homes and murdering civilians. In that single episode more than 300 people were killed. Among the more prominent victims were relatives of a former army chief of staff, Victor Malu, whose house was also looted. The army attack was motivated by revenge; Tiv tribesmen had earlier ambushed and killed 19 soldiers. Instead of finding the murderers, the army launched indiscriminate reprisals, and underlying the army's actions was a strong undercurrent of ethnic tension. While Malu is a Tiv, many of the soldiers involved in the attack and the defense minister who dismissed Malu are Junkuns. As shown by its involvement in the Tiv-Junkun massacres, the military is still very much motivated by ethnic loyalties, something that the government cannot erase by fiat alone. (Tsai, 2002) Many obstacles remain in the quest to construct a unified national identity.

 

Statement of the Problem

The study intends to investigate how democracy determines the dynamics of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. Specifically, the researcher intends to answer the following questions.

1.            What is the root of ethnic conflict in Nigeria?

2.             How does the tribal culture of Nigeria understand the concept of democracy?

3.            How did the colonial aspect of Nigeria influence the ethnic conflict among the groups in the country?

4.            What are the measures done by the Nigerian Government to minimize the ethnic conflict among the people of the country?

Hypothesis

This study would like to test the following hypothesis:

“The democracy on Nigeria has no significant effect on the concept of in ethnic conflicts the country.”

 

Scope and Limitations

The study intends to investigate how democracy determines the dynamics of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. For this study, primary research and secondary research will be used. Primary research will be conducted using anonymous questionnaires that will be sent to selected scholars who have been studying the milieu of the Nigerian society, particularly students studying/majoring on national history. The questionnaires will be used to collect quantitative data and the interviews will be used to provide qualitative insights into the data collected.

The data will be analyzed and compiled for the correlation of the hypothesis. The data will then be presented by means of graphical representations and illustration and the difference would be highlighted. A negative correlation between the variables would suggest that the hypothesis is null, that is, the democracy on Nigeria has no significant effect on the concept of in ethnic conflicts the country.

 

Methodology

Research methodology and techniques for data collection

Research requires an organized data gathering in order to pinpoint the research philosophies and theories that will be included in the research, the methodology of the research and the instruments of data interpretation. In this study, the Research Process “Onion” will be utilized so that the findings of the study can be thoroughly established. The inner part of the onion describes the methodology portion whereas the outer part discusses the strategies that can be utilized in interpreting the results of the findings.

The descriptive research method uses observation and surveys. In this method, it is possible that the study would be cheap and quick. It could also suggest unanticipated hypotheses. Nonetheless, it would be very hard to rule out alternative explanations and especially infer causations. Thus, this study will use the descriptive approach.  This descriptive type of research will utilize observations in the study.  To illustrate the descriptive type of research, Creswell (1994) will guide the researcher when he stated: Descriptive method of research is to gather information about the present existing condition.  The purpose of employing this method is to describe the nature of a situation, as it exists at the time of the study and to explore the cause/s of particular phenomena. The researcher opted to use this kind of research considering the desire of the researcher to obtain first hand data from the respondents so as to formulate rational and sound conclusions and recommendations for the study.

The research described in this document is partly based on quantitative research methods. This permits a flexible and iterative approach. During data gathering the choice and design of methods are constantly modified, based on ongoing analysis. This allows investigation of important new issues and questions as they arise, and allows the investigators to drop unproductive areas of research from the original research plan.

This study also employs qualitative research method, since this research intends to find and build theories that would explain the relationship of one variable with another variable through qualitative elements in research. These qualitative elements does not have standard measures, rather they are behavior, attitudes, opinions, and beliefs.

Furthermore, as we define the qualitative research it is multimethod in focus, involving an interpretative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. Accordingly, qualitative researchers deploy a wide range of interconnected methods, hoping always to get a better fix on the subject matter at hand.

 

Data analysis techniques

The primary source of data will come from interviews conducted by the researcher among scholars who have been studying the milieu of the Nigerian society, particularly students studying/majoring on national history.  The primary data frequently gives the detailed definitions of terms and statistical units used in the study. These are usually broken down into finer classifications.

The secondary sources of data will come from published articles from social science journals, theses and related studies on tribalism and ethnic conflicts. Acquiring secondary data are more convenient to use because they are already condensed and organized. Moreover, analysis and interpretation are done more easily.

 

Validity of the Data

For this research design, the researcher will gather data, collate published studies from different local and foreign universities and articles from social science journals; and make a content analysis of the collected documentary and verbal material.  Afterwards, the researcher will summarize all the information, make a conclusion based on the null hypotheses posited and provide insightful recommendations on the dealing with the tribal conflicts in Nigeria.

 

Respondents of the Study

The general population for this study will be composed of selected students majoring on history. The researcher seeks to gather information from these personalities, five for each of the chosen company, totalling thirty (30) respondents.

 

Instruments to be Used

To determine the perception students on the ethnic conflicts of Nigeria, the researcher will prepare a set of guide questions for the interview that will be asked to the intended respondents.

For validation purposes, the researcher will initially submit a sample of the set of interview questions and after approval; the survey will be conducted to five respondents from five different companies engaging in e-commerce.  After the questions were answered, the researcher will ask the respondents for any suggestions or any necessary corrections to ensure further improvement and validity of the instrument.  The researcher will again examine the content of the interview questions to find out the reliability of the instrument.  The researchers will exclude irrelevant questions and will change words that would be deemed difficult by the respondents into much simpler terms.

The researcher will exclude the five respondents who will be initially used for the validation of the instrument.  The researcher will also tally, score and tabulate all the responses in the provided interview questions. Moreover, the interview shall be using a structured interview. It shall consist of a list of specific questions and the interviewer does not deviate from the list or inject any extra remarks into the interview process. The interviewer may encourage the interviewee to clarify vague statements or to further elaborate on brief comments. Otherwise, the interviewer attempts to be objective and tries not to influence the interviewer's statements. The interviewer does not share his/her own beliefs and opinions. The structured interview is mostly a "question and answer" session.

 

 

 

Project time plan

TASK	Months
	1st	2nd	3rd	4th	5th	6th	7th	8th	9th
Select topic
Undertake preliminary literature search
Define research questions Write-up aims and objectives
Select appropriate methodology and locate sources of information. Confirm access.
Write-up thesis plan
Undertake and write-up draft critical literature review.
Secondary and Primary Data Detailed Sources Consulted
Research Findings: Analyzed Evaluated Written-up
Discussion: Research findings evaluated and discussed in relation to the literature review
Methodology written-up (including limitations and constraints)
Main body of the report written-up and checked for logical structure
Conclusions drawn Recommendations made
Introduction and Executive Summary written-up
Final format and indexing
Print

 

References

 

Afiobo, Adiele E. (1972) The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in South-Eastern Nigeria, 1879-1 929. New York: Humanities Press.

 

Akintunde, J.O. (1967) "The Demise of Democracy in the First Republic of Nigeria: A Causal Analysis." ODU (Journal of African Studies of the University of Ife 4(1): 3-38.

 

Badru, Pade (1998) Imperialism and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria. Trenton, New Jersey and Asmara, Eritrea: Africa World Press.

 

Cohen, Ronald and John Middleton. (1970) From Tribe to Nation in Africa Scranton, PA, 128-135

 

Coleman, James.(1958) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley, 93-97.

 

Creswell, J.W. (1994) Research design: Qualitative and quantitative approaches. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage.

 

Diamond, Larry. (1988) Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press.

 

Diamond, Stanley. (1967) Nigeria: Model of a Colonial Failure. New York, 44-46.

 

Falola, Toyin And Julius Ihonvbere (1985) The Rise and Fall of Nigeria's Second Republic, 1979-84. London: Zed Books Ltd.

 

Green, Margaret M. (1947) Ibo Village Affairs. London: Sidgewick and Jackson.

 

Horowitz, Donald L. (1985) Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkeley.

 

Huntington, Samuel P. (1968) Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven.

 

Ipuk, John S. (1995) Militarization of Politics and Neo-Colonialism: The Nigerian Experience 1960-90. London: Janus Publishing Company.

 

Isichie, Elizabeth (1973) The Igbo People and Europeans: The Genesis of a Revolution -- to 1906. New York: St. Martins Press.

 

Kirk-Green, A.M.H. (1967) Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria, Vol. 1. London: Oxford University Press.

 

Melson, Robert And Howard Wolpe (1971) "Modernization and the Politics of Communalism." Pp. 1-42 in Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Communalism, edited by Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University Press.

 

Nnoli, Okwudiba. (1995) Ethnicity and Development in Nigeria. Aldershot Brookfield USA Honk Kong Singapore Sydney: Avebury.

 

Onwubu, Emeka. (19875) Ethnic Identity, Political Integration, and National Development: The Igbo Diaspora in Nigeria, Journal of Modem African Studies 13 (October): 399-4 13.

 

Sklar, Richard L. (1981) 1981 "Democracy for the Second Republic." Issue 11(1/2): 14-16.

 

Skocpol, Theda (1996) 1996 "The Tocqueville Problem: Civic Engagement in America." Social Science History 21(4):455-79.

 

Smith, Anthony D. (1986) The Ethnic Origins of Nations. New York: Blackwell.

 

Tsai, Thomas. (2002) Africa's contradiction: Nigeria on the path to democracy. Harvard International Review. Vol 24: 3.

 

Young, Crawford (1976) The Politics of Cultural Pluralism. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.